Islam And Democracy After The Arab Spring Pdf
- and pdf
- Saturday, December 19, 2020 12:18:29 AM
- 4 comment
File Name: islam and democracy after the arab spring .zip
National Library of Australia.
- Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy
- Islam and democracy after the Arab Spring
- Democratization Theory and the “Arab Spring”
- Arab Spring
To browse Academia.
The events in these nations generally began in the spring of , which led to the name. However, the political and social impact of these popular uprisings remains significant today, years after many of them ended. The Arab Spring was a loosely related group of protests that ultimately resulted in regime changes in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Not all of the movements, however, could be deemed successful—at least if the end goal was increased democracy and cultural freedom. In fact, for many countries enveloped by the revolts of the Arab Spring, the period since has been hallmarked by increased instability and oppression.
Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy
In their own words, "while in Europe, secular discourse was the vehicle of political opposition to authoritarian governments, in Muslim-majority countries, religious discourse has often expressed populist opposition to authoritarianism" p. The authors believe that it is anachronistic to discuss the compatibility of Islam with democracy.
Actual debate now, they maintain, should be whether "what forms a democratic state can take in a Muslimmajority society" p. Accordingly, the core argument of the book is that countries with Islamic traditions have different political and historical circumstances and hence, have different paths to democracy. Thus, democratic transformation was present before and after the Arab Spring; it was no watershed moment for Muslim-majority societies p. Adopting a historical perspective, the book demonstrates that the Muslim encounters with democracy have been a long one that stretches from reformist Muslim intellectuals and anti-colonialism to modern day mass protests, as in the Arab Spring.
The authors contend that there have been four major successive waves of democratization in Muslim-majority societies. The first wave dated back to the attempts of constitutional reformists to expand popular participation during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The second wave came with the decolonization era when post-colonial states across the world began their quest for political liberalization.
The third wave of democratization saw an increasing number of countries, which began to hold multi-party elections. Finally, the Middle East region witnessed the fourth wave of democratic quest with the advent of the Arab Spring. In this historical journey, democratic experience is shaped by the gradual expansion of reforms for the underrepresented whose access to political power was previously cut off by domestic authoritarian structures and foreign influences.
In this regard, the book identifies some major factors that either contributed to, or exacerbated the strength of democracy in Muslim-majority societies such as the extent of European colonization, strength of military capabilities in the aftermath of independence, level of economic development, and the regional and global geopolitical competition p.
In Senegal, a country with no military intervention, democratic transition was an outcome of a slow change that has been shaped by ethnic groups and their elites, the military, religious organizations, and the urban educated elite p. In Tunisia, transition to democracy was an outcome of mass protests that disseminated in the region as the Arab Spring, while a similar process seems to have strengthened authoritarianism in Egypt.
An important component of the book's argument is what the authors call "youth bulge. Yet, the phenomenon of youth bulge is hardly seen in some cases such as Turkey, Indonesia, Senegal, and Pakistan, where the democratic experience emerged more or less as a result of strategic elite preferences. Furthermore, the authors fail to consider how social media is used by some governments for their authoritarian crackdown on opposition and political dissidents.
In addition, in discussion of Turkey's recent democratic backsliding, the authors do not seem to be willing to acknowledge the Gulen movement's politicization and its responsibility for the recent decay of state institutions, such as the judiciary and police. While the book provides valuable insight and an excellent historical overview, it suffers from a lack of methodological precision and empirical data.
The authors never explain what informs their case selection. It is understandable that they see democracy as not solely Western, and its development a continual process, which is not limited to identifying regimes as either democratic or authoritarian. However, it becomes necessary to justify the cases based on some kind of variation or typology that would analytically frame different trajectories of democracy in Muslim-majority societies. For instance, Iran has a theocratic regime and Egypt is a dictatorship, while others have more advanced political regimes than the first two.
Even though the book does offer some variables, it does not tell us in a systematic way how and when these variables illustrate why some Muslimmajority countries are more democratic than others in every case.
In addition, the case studies do not seem to engage much in secondary literature that would shed light onto larger academic debates pertaining to the country examined. While each case offers a solid and historical perspective regarding the democratization experience of the relevant country, at times the narratives read as a chronological sequence of a series of political events. The authors also maintain that the compatibility question is irrelevant, and that focus should be given to Western democracy's compatibility with Islam.
While this is a valuable proposition, they seem more willing to criticize Huntington and Fukuyama than to offer a theoretically nuanced alternative.
Perhaps it would be much more desirable to see some theoretical and empirical implications of non-Western democracy with the cases of Muslim-majority societies presented in the book. Such an objective would also be meaningful in the light of similar debates pertaining to distinctive paths to democracy in different regions today such as the post-Soviet region and Latin America. Equally important, such an objective would help to incorporate scholarship in Middle Eastern and Islamic studies, which have been, so far, confined to area studies into broader, global comparative politics.
Nevertheless, this book has certain merits in its aim to provide the big picture and overarching themes in discussion of Muslim majority countries' democratic experience. As such, it delivers a solid argument against the claims that somehow ascribe the failure of democratic transition in the Arab Spring to culturalist and essentialist arguments that focus on Islam.
As the authors convincingly argue, democratic experience and the forms it has taken in Muslim majority countries from Africa to Asia to Middle East are tremendously diverse.
The book leaves the reader with new insights and interesting conclusions. In this sense, it is valuable for its insightful implications for future research. This book is highly recommended for both academics and non-academics who are interested in Islam, democracy, and democratization.
Related Papers. Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy. By Andrey Korotayev. By Ahmet T. By Salehin M Mohammad. By ilyass Bouzghaia. By Selin M. Download pdf. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up.
Islam and democracy after the Arab Spring
In late , the wave of civil resistance known as the Arab Spring stunned the world as dictatorships in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya were overthrown, while the regimes of Bahrain, Syria, and Yemen brutally suppressed their own revolutions. The Islamic political parties of Tunisia and Egypt gained particular attention for their success in the national elections following the overthrow of their regimes, and similar electoral success was seen in Morocco and predicted throughout the Arab world and beyond in the broader Middle East and in Southeast Asia. While the opposition movements of the Arab Sp While the opposition movements of the Arab Spring are distinctive, each has raised questions regarding equality, economic justice, democratic participation, and the relationship between Islam and democracy in their respective countries. This book examines these uprisings and the democratic process in the Muslim world, while also analyzing the larger relationship between religion and politics.
This chapter examines the role of religion in the Arab uprisings as well as the influence of religion after the uprisings and in the first postrevolutionary elections. It begins by analyzing the role of the various Islamist parties, arguing that in many cases the Islamist parties played only a limited role in the revolutions. While the protesters themselves represented various social, political, and economic groups and were demonstrating against authoritarian governments, often for nonreligious reasons, the Islamist parties also understood that being the image of the uprisings would be risky for their respective organizations because their heavy involvement would upset non-Islamist protesters and also that a strong Islamist presence in the protests could spark government action against them. The chapter then briefly examines the level of influence and electoral success of Islamist parties in the politics of Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco while also discussing the role of religion after the uprisings. Following his action and death, thousands of Tunisians took to the streets to protest the government, then led by Zine el-Abedine Ben Ali.
In late , the wave of civil resistance known as the Arab Spring stunned the world as dictatorships in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya were overthrown, while the regimes of Bahrain, Syria, and Yemen brutally suppressed their own revolutions. The Islamic political parties of Tunisia and Egypt have gained particular attention for their success in the national elections following the overthrow of their regimes, and similar electoral success has been seen in Morocco and is predicted throughout the Arab world and beyond in the broader Middle East and in Southeast Asia. While the opposition movements of the Arab Spring are distinctive, each has raised questions regarding equality, economic justice, democratic participation, and the relationship between Islam and democracy in their respective countries, such as: does democracy require a secular political regime? And are religious movements the most effective opponents of authoritarian secularist regimes? The argument that that Islamic political groups' participation in democratic processes is only a ruse to actually impose an anti-democratic theocracy once in power continues to be made, often by former political and economic elites and secularists who would prefer a secularist autocracy to a democracy in which religious parties might control the government. Skip to main content. Technical info:.
Democratization Theory and the “Arab Spring”
The long-standing debate about Islam and democracy has reached a stunning turning point. Since the Arab uprisings began in late , political Islam and democracy have become increasingly interdependent. The debate over whether they are compatible is now virtually obsolete. Neither can now survive without the other. In countries undergoing transitions, the only way for Islamists to maintain their legitimacy now is through elections.
Надеюсь, это не уловка с целью заставить меня скинуть платье. - Мидж, я бы никогда… - начал он с фальшивым смирением. - Знаю, Чед. Мне не нужно напоминать. Через тридцать секунд она уже сидела за его столом и изучала отчет шифровалки.
В сердцах он швырнул трубку на рычаг. - Черт! - Фонтейн снова схватил трубку и набрал номер мобильника Стратмора. На этот раз послышались длинные гудки. Фонтейн насчитал уже шесть гудков. Бринкерхофф и Мидж смотрели, как он нервно шагает по комнате, волоча за собой телефонный провод.
Islam and Democracy after the Arab Spring. By John L. Esposito,. Tamara Sonn, and John O. Voll. New York: Oxford University Press,.
ОБЪЕКТ: РОСИО ЕВА ГРАНАДА - ЛИКВИДИРОВАНА ОБЪЕКТ: ГАНС ХУБЕР - ЛИКВИДИРОВАН Тремя этажами ниже Дэвид Беккер заплатил по счету и со стаканом в руке направился через холл на открытую террасу гостиницы. - Туда и обратно, - пробормотал. Все складывалось совсем не так, как он рассчитывал. Теперь предстояло принять решение. Бросить все и ехать в аэропорт.
Создатель последнего шифра, который никто никогда не взломает. Сьюзан долго молчала. - Но… это значит… Стратмор посмотрел ей прямо в глаза: - Да. Энсей Танкадо только что превратил ТРАНСТЕКСТ в устаревшую рухлядь.
Глядя на экран, Фонтейн увидел, как полностью исчезла первая из пяти защитных стен. - Бастион рухнул! - крикнул техник, сидевший в задней части комнаты. - Обнажился второй щит.
Но это невозможно. Если бы Хейлу был известен план Стратмора выпустить модифицированную версию Цифровой крепости, он дождался бы, когда ею начнет пользоваться весь мир, и только тогда взорвал бы свою бомбу, пока все доказательства были бы в его руках. Сьюзан представила себе газетный заголовок: КРИПТОГРАФ ГРЕГ ХЕЙЛ РАСКРЫВАЕТ СЕКРЕТНЫЙ ПЛАН ПРАВИТЕЛЬСТВА ВЗЯТЬ ПОД КОНТРОЛЬ ГЛОБАЛЬНУЮ ИНФОРМАЦИЮ. Что же, это очередной Попрыгунчик.
- Он улыбнулся. - Поверь. При первых же признаках опасности я отправлю к нему профессионалов. Слова Стратмора внезапно были прерваны постукиванием по стеклянной стене Третьего узла.
Беккер посмотрел в другую сторону и увидел, что женщина, сидевшая рядом, уже ушла и весь ряд вплоть до центрального прохода пуст. Не может быть, что служба уже закончилась. Это невозможно.
Глядя на оживающий монитор, он подумал, известно ли Стратмору, что в лаборатории систем безопасности нет ни души. Подходя к шифровалке, он успел заметить, что шторы кабинета шефа задернуты. Это означало, что тот находится на рабочем месте.